Climate Change

Hank Paulson was relaxed, and why not? For a change, the treasury secretary wasn’t on the defensive about failing to save Lehman Brothers, or changing direction on TARP. Instead, he was expounding on a favorite topic: saving the planet from the threat of climate change.

Ever the loyalist, he praised President Bush for insisting that any solution to the climate change problem be global, including China, India and the rest of the developing world.

But in his last week in office, he also broke with the Bush administration to say that the U.S. needs a regulatory scheme that will put a price on carbon dioxide emissions. The Bush team has argued that voluntary actions will do the job.

“I’m a big believer in price signals,” Paulson said. “This will lead to the development of new technologies.”

Accompanied by his wife, Wendy, Paulson spoke this afternoon at Resources for the Future, a widely-respected nonprofit research outfit that analyzes environmental and energy policy. He knows the group well and, in fact, last year hired one of its top economists, Billy Pizer, to lead environmental initiatives at treasury.

Phil Sharp, a former congressman who’s now president of RFF, interviewed Paulson. He asked whether Paulson favored a carbon tax to regulate GHG emissions or a cap-and-trade system that would auction or allocate permits to pollute. Paulson declined to say, although he did allow that he had told government officials in China that cap-and-trade has been an effective way from the U.S. to regulate other pollutants, like SOX and NOX from coal plants.

“All you’re going to get from me at this juncture is that you need clear price signals that are predictable and gradual,” Paulson said. “I want something that’s fair, credible, efficient and transparent.”

“Depending on how things get done, it may be a distinction without a difference,” he added, referring to the choice between a carbon tax or cap-and-trade.

Of course, the Bush administration and outgoing Congress gave us neither.

Still, as Paulson noted, the administration has shifted the global debate over climate change in a useful way, persuading other western countries that the developing world – China, India, Indonesia, Brazil and the rest – needs to sign onto a global treaty to regulate greenhouse gas emissions. The failure of poor countries to sign onto the Kyoto treaty is one reason why it was rejected by Congress a decade ago.

Developing countries need to be part of a post-Kyoto treaty, he argued, even though they emit much less CO2 on a per capita basis than do the U.S., the EU and Japan.

Developing countries can be asked to slow the rate by which they increase emissions, even as wealthy countries are required to reduce emissions, dramatically but gradually, on an absolute basis.

“Anything we do, it needs to be global,” Paulson said. “Otherwise we’re going to export our emissions (actually, the industries that generate the emissions) to other countries.”

Paulson also gave the administration credit for supporting a global clean technology fund, administered by the World Bank, that will help poor countries afford clean technology. The fund, for example, would subsidize clean energy projects so they would be no more expensive that conventional fossil fuel projects.

“There is no way that we are going to solve the enormous problems we have before us without the deployment of a great deal of new technology,” Paulson said, meaning many billions of dollars of new investment are needed.

The former CEO of Goldman Sachs, Paulson has long been an environmentalist. He’s an avid bird watcher and the former chair of The Nature Conservancy, and his wife runs a small environmental NGO. I profiled him last September for FORTUNE and came away impressed by his energy, brainpower and courage. Whatever you say about his handling of the financial meltdown—and it will take time to arrive at a measured judgment—I think he’s always acted with the best interests of the populace in mind, despite the criticism that he’s been too quick to bail out Wall Streets and too slow to help the little guy.

What’s next for Paulson? He wouldn’t say, other than to suggest that he’ll be spending a good chunk of his time on the environment.

“All I can is I’m going to take some time and plan the next steps,” Paulson said, glancing towards his wife. “Wendy’s been not just a partner but the leader here. The two of us will figure out what the next step will be when it comes to conservation and the environment.”

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Paulson, China and climate

September 21, 2008

Since returning from the Beijing Olympics last month, Hank Paulson has been a nonstop crisis manager. (I don’t think he’s had a day off.) But when we spoke back in August, and again a couple of weeks ago, we spent some time talking about a couple of his long-term passions: China and climate change.

Paulson’s take on China and climate are the topic of today’s Sustainability column. These issues will matter when Wall Street settles down—as it will one day, although probably not anytime soon. Here’s how the column begins:

Treasury Secretary Hank Paulson has careened from crisis to crisis lately, backing the Bear Stearns rescue, engineering the government takeover of Fannie Mae, refusing to commit taxpayer money to save Lehman Brothers, and Friday announcing a massive program to help banks offload mortgage-related assets.

When he hasn’t been fighting fires, Paulson, the former chief executive of Goldman Sachs (GS, Fortune 500), and his team at Treasury have been working on two big, long-term issues that matter to him, and should matter to all Americans – U.S. relations with China and climate change.

They are intertwined, of course. Without the support of huge, rapidly-developing nations like China (and India), there’s no way that Europe, Japan and the U.S. can drive a global consensus to curb global warming.

You can read the rest here.

It will be a fascinating week in Washington, by the way. President Bush, Paulson, Ben Bernanke desperately want to get their big Wall Street rescue package approved but because the Democrats who control Congress know that, they will try to load up the legislation with their own proposals, some related, some not—including relief for individual homeowners (probably not a good idea), curbs on executive pay (a good idea, but can it be imposed effectively from Washington?), maybe the production tax credit for renewable energy (crazy that this didn’t pass long ago) and who knows what else. The Republicans in the House, many of whom are already disgruntled with Paulson and Bush and their activism, will be very unhappy but likely irrelevant. As I said, it will be a fascinating – and historic – week.

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I’ve never been a fan of the Hallmark Holidays. So please forgive me if I come off as churlish when I saw that we—meaning the fathers of America—don’t have much to celebrate on Father’s Day.

Here’s the problem. Most American men aren’t very good fathers. Most American women aren’t very good mothers, either.

I say this not to critique family life in America. I’m not expert on how we rear our children in the privacy of our homes. Instead, I want to make a larger point—that as citizens and consumers, we are at best neglecting and at worst abusing our children.

Strong language, I know, but bear with me. Our neglect of our kids is most evident when you think about the issue of climate change. But it’s also demonstrated by the way in which, as a society, are dealing (actually, not dealing) with such problems as the funding of the war in Iraq, the long-term instability of Social Security and Medicare, and the dismal state of public education.

Start with global warming. Strip away the dizzying complexities of the Lieberman-Warner bill or the EU carbon-trading market and ask a simple question: Are we willing to sacrifice today so that our children have a better chance of living on a safe, habitable planet? The obvious answer is no.

We don’t want to live in smaller homes. We don’t want to take public transit or drive smaller cars. (At least until gas topped $4 a gallon, we didn’t.) We don’t want to buy less stuff. We don’t want to pay more for renewable energy, as opposed to cheap polluting coal. We don’t want to eat less meat. We don’t want to turn the thermostat up in the summer and down in the winter. We don’t seem to want public policies that would drive energy efficiency, or promote clean energy or discourage the burning of fossil fuels, with a carbon tax or a cap-and-trade system. At least, we don’t want them enough to make them happen.

And yet–if we continue to behave as we have, the odds are overwhelming that we will produce a catastrophe that is best described not as “global warming, ” a benign-sounding phrase that implies that climate change may turn out to be uniform, slow and even harmless, but as a “global climatic disruption” that will generate floods, drought, extremes of hot and cold weather, and other unforeseen consequences, most of which will be harmful.

So, at least, says John Holdren, the Harvard physicist and director of the Woods Hole Oceanographic Center, who spoke last week at a conference in Washington. He made the point that time is of the essence in trying to mitigate the impact of climate change. “We don’t know how to change the global energy system quickly,” he noted. It will take decades of work, billions of dollars of investments in research and trillions of dollars of capital. Americans should lead the way for a number of reasons—we’ve produced more greenhouse gases than any other nation, we have the technical know-how, we have the wealth and, if we don’t act, China and India never will

But we have barely begun. Correct me, please, if I’m wrong, but I’m pretty sure that we waste more energy, generate more trash and produce more greenhouse gases per capita than any other nation on the planet—including people who enjoy a perfectly good quality of life in western Europeans and Japan.

Is this child abuse or merely child neglect? You make the call.

I’m not going to dig into the details of the other public-policy issues listed above. Suffice it to say that whether you support the Iraq War or not, we are asking those who serve in the military to make great sacrifices and we are asking the war to be paid for (with interest) by our children, as the federal debt grows. We’ve done almost nothing to fix entitlement programs like Social Security and Medicare; the next generation will pay more to fix them, as a result. As for schools, most Republicans don’t want to pay higher taxes so that public school teachers can earn more; most Democrats oppose charter schools and school choice despite the fact that inner-city parents desperately want alternatives for their kids. Obviously I’m generalizing here, but you get the idea.

So what’s gone wrong? One problem is that we’re not very good at thinking long-term. Another is that we live in a commercial culture that is drenched by advertising messages telling us to consume—more, bigger, now! (See this new report on the decline of thrift, the subject of a David Brooks column last week) We’ve also suffered from a lack of political leadership; politicians seem afraid to ask us to sacrifice for the common good or for future generations.

Many of us have also erected a wall between our personal and public lives. We try to live by good values at home, in our neighborhoods, churches and synagogues, communities. We don’t always apply those values when we go to work, shop or even vote. (One phrase used to describe the disconnect between our values/faith and our work is the Sunday-Monday gap.) Perhaps we’ve privatized morality. Sure, we love our kids, but we express that love in our personal lives, not in our public actions.

I’m an optimist, so I believe this state of affairs as permanent. Bold political leadership would help. So would courageous religious leaders who are willing to talk about climate change or entitlement reform or public education as moral and religious issues.

In the meantime, have a good Father’s Day.

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